In recent days, following the announcement of necessary but unpopular measures in the field of telecommunications in Cuba, there has been a deliberate attempt to manipulate university youth to spark anti-government protests. These actions, far from being spontaneous, are part of a permanent unconventional warfare strategy to which Cuba is subjected, which in this case seeks to take advantage of the legitimate dissatisfaction of young people to exacerbate tempers for destabilizing purposes.
Recently, the Cuban Telecommunications Company (ETECSA) announced adjustments to its services, a decision that responds to the need to guarantee the sustainability of the system in an adverse economic context, aggravated by the tightened economic, commercial, and financial blockade imposed by the United States. These measures have generated dissatisfaction and misunderstanding among the population, especially among university students, who, as they themselves have raised with the authorities, need the Internet for their studies, communication, and access to information.
The Federation of University Students (FEU) rejected media manipulation and attempts to disrupt the normality of university life, highlighting the need to respect the importance of the educational teaching process in the current context. For its part, the Secretary of the Union of Young Communists (UJC) called not to allow confusion and to safeguard the unity of young people with the Revolution, preserving the University as a “house of critical thought, but also a bastion of Cuba’s sovereignty.” All this in response to the launch on social networks of calls for “peaceful” student demonstrations that, under the pretext of demanding better conditions, are being promoted from abroad. These calls, false or exaggerated, arise with the sole purpose of using youth as a spearhead against the very educational institution that trains them and against the government.
These false calls are a key element in this manipulation strategy. They are intensively disseminated through digital platforms, taking advantage of the connectivity that, ironically, the Cuban government itself has worked to expand despite economic limitations. Alarmist messages, rumors of alleged repression, narratives to exaggerate difficulties, and proclamations with confrontational speeches denying the possibility of dialogue seek to generate a climate of maximum tension and disregard for the authorities.
The actions described are part of what is known as Hybrid or Fifth Generation Warfare, modern strategies that combine unconventional tools such as disinformation and psychological manipulation to destabilize societies, nations, governments, and promote regime change. In the field of social networks, they are used as echo chambers with refined tactics to influence public opinion and generate movements controlled from abroad.
Fifth Generation Warfare focuses on the manipulation of perception, where the fundamental battlefield is the human brain. Cuban youth are a prioritized target, taking advantage of the psychological characteristics of the developmental age they are in, where there is a search for and consolidation of identity, cognitive development that moves from concrete thinking to reaching an abstract level, intense emotionality, and impulsiveness that can be exploited for high-impact media actions. In addition, a worldview marked by their idealism and commitment to social, political, or environmental causes, their desire for autonomy, and rejection of authority make them prone to question established norms.
The manipulation of university youth is not only based on disinformation but also on the exploitation of these psychological factors, which make this group particularly vulnerable. They are exposed to an information bombardment with content that mobilizes their needs and aspirations and appeals to their frustrations, while a distorted vision of reality is presented or instilled. This approach not only manipulates their perception but also seeks to demobilize them from official channels of dialogue and participation, leading them to act according to the proposed influence objectives.
Techniques such as “astroturfing,” which consists of simulating a spontaneous social movement when it is actually orchestrated, or the use of “influencers” and opinion leaders who, consciously or unconsciously, promote foreign agendas, are employed. These strategies seek to fragment social unity, erode trust in institutions, and polarize opinions…. One of the key psychological aspects is the phenomenon of social pressure and its effect. Digital platforms amplify the voices that incite protest, creating an illusion of consensus that can lead young people, through emotional contagion, to feel obliged to participate so as not to be perceived as indifferent or cowardly. In addition, the frustration accumulated by economic difficulties and the limitations imposed by the blockade generates a state of high emotional sensitivity, where messages appealing to indignation quickly find an echo. The narrative that “the government does not listen” or “the Revolution has failed” appeals to feelings of helplessness and anger, seeking to erode young people’s confidence in the revolutionary project.
Another important psychological factor is the perception of anonymity and impunity offered by social networks, which can lead young people to share or support calls without reflecting on their origin or consequences. This lack of critical analysis, combined with the desire to be part of a collective movement, creates fertile ground for manipulation.
Youth, as stated above, have been used on more than one occasion as a starting engine in “democratization” processes. The so-called “Color Revolutions,” tactics used in several countries to overthrow governments through apparently spontaneous protests, have often had the university sector as the main target of their actions.
Clear examples of this type of direct influence on youth can be seen in recent historical events: in 2019, student demonstrations took place in Hong Kong that later ended in massive social protests in what later became known as the “Umbrella Revolution”; that same year saw the so-called “Algerian Hirak” with uprisings of young students against the government of Abdelaziz Bouteflika; in 2011, university outbursts occurred against the government of Hosni Mubarak, the latter two examples as part of the so-called “Arab Spring.”
In Latin America, we can point to the “spontaneous” emergence in 2007 of the “White Hands Student Movement” among university youth in Caracas, which, moved “against censorship,” participated in demonstrations against the government of Hugo Chávez. And the most notable case is that of Serbia in 2000, with the Otpor movement, which “organized” youth to overthrow Slobodan Milošević, using tactics of civil disobedience and mass protests, also supported by external funds.
It is essential to recognize that in our country, the Cuban Revolution has always trusted its youth. Young people have been and will continue to be protagonists of the most important achievements of the revolutionary process, such as the Literacy Campaign, the Victory of Girón, and all the tasks that have continued the march to this day. It is legitimate and positive that they express their opinions, point out what they consider unjust, and propose solutions. The Cuban government values this critical spirit and is committed to listening to and working with them to overcome current challenges, as the highest authorities have stated.
However, we will not allow youth to be manipulated by external agents seeking to destroy what generations of Cubans have built. The Revolution will not tolerate our students being used as a spearhead for color revolution movements that only serve the interests of imperialism. At this critical moment, it is time for reflection, unity, alertness to manipulative maneuvers, and above all, communication. Let us NOT allow ourselves to be confused!
(Taken from Mi Cuba por Siempre)
